Lincoln the Emancipator.
Lincoln the Liberator.
Lincoln the Martyr.
Lincoln the Republican.
Lincoln the Democrat.
Lincoln the Colonizer.
Lincoln the Traitor.
Lincoln the Southerner, Atheist, Compromiser, Racist, etc.
Our beloved, bellowed, hallowed, and hated Sixteenth
President has endured a host of labels, from contemporaries to modern
luminaries seeking to crystallize his legacy, for better or for the worse.
One of the most consequential, if not greatest presidents in
our history, it’s no surprise that more books get published exploring the man,
the myth, and the manifest destiny of this seminal figure of American history
than any other.
Lincoln the politician is certainly well-known and well-read.
If you want to make a difference in government, you have to get elected.
Lincoln understood this obvious yet deceptively simple principle. Politics is
the game if you want policy to hold your name.
Some negatives about Lincoln come from opportunists, some
within his own party. Many have lingered from critical revisionists who have
cast shade on his place in the presidential pantheon.
Yet one of the latest books written describing the inner and
outer workings of this commanding president, one of his most plenary, extensive
roles throughout his political life was: Lincoln the Party Organizer, Lincoln
the Hoss, or, to quote Matthew Pinsker’s latest book:
Boss Lincoln
Taking a unique, quieter biographical tour (and tour de
force) of our nation’s greatest President through the view of his political
workings, Matthew Pinsker reveals to us the quiet yet profound underpinnings of
Lincoln the party man, who wanted to broker then build a movement, starting
with his adopted state of Illinois to the national party campaigns, that would
end slavery while also making room for internal improvements and ending the
Jacksonian “democracy” hold on American politics.
Lincoln was a boss, a political operative who knew that you
had to pick your fights to win, and that he was willing to win every fight.
Pinsker’s work is a godsend also because, through reviewing
the Illinois rail-splitter turned Whig turned anti-Nebraska fusionist turned
Republican turned 16th President, Pinsker documents extensively
Lincoln’s true committed principles to ending slavery, despite craven
revisionists attempt to recast his commitment to “All Men Are Created Equal” as
a mere cynical afterthought.
He wasn’t just a mere moderator interested in stopping its
spread. From early in his political career, who was committed to a nation that
lived up to its founding creeds. Unlike the cynical portrayals of detractors
and woke scolds, Lincoln was a measured, mature patriot, one who wanted to end
slavery, but recognized the difficult political terrain determined to prevent
that new birth of freedom.
Sadly, in Lincoln’s day, many voters were starting to sour
on the fundamental premise—and promise—of the Declaration of Independence, that
indeed All Men Are Created Equal. What sense did it make for the American
public, and its government, to deprive men enslaved throughout the country of
those same rights?
Pinsker’s work takes a look at Lincoln’s local, even arcane
or rudimentary attention to politics: how Lincoln organized county and state
conventions; how he networked with former and current lawmakers to hone and
polish a clear and convincing political platform for the Whigs, then the
anti-Nebraska factions oppose the spread of slavery via popular sovereignty,
and finally the Republican Party. From the early 1840s, when he rode circuit as
a federal attorney, then ran and served one term in Congress, Lincoln was
committed to freedom under law before God for all men.
Pinsker also provides in depth review and reporting on the
legislative horse-trading that took place to get allied US Senators elected for
Illinois. Lincoln was a prime candidate in 1854 as well as 1858. He was enough
of a team player, however, that he pulled strings and twisted arms for a decent
anti-slavery Democrat (later Republican) Lyman Trumbull elected.
It’s important to remember, as Pinsker reminds his readers,
that state legislators, not American voters, elected US Senators until passage
of the 17th Amendment. In order for a party to get their man, the
state convention would nominate their preferred candidate—as a directive to
legislators once they sat for their first legislative session. Party bosses and
grassroots paid close attention to legislative races, ensuring that they could
get a necessary majority across both houses and get their man into the US
Senate seat.
Pinsker gives us a glimpse into vote-counting,
electioneering, and the all-too-frequent fear that non-citizens would vote in
key elections to turn. Pinsker’s commentary on Election 1858 was particularly
revealing, detailing how Stephen Douglas, the incumbent Democratic US Senator
facing re-election, was possibly positioning Irish immigrants from Chicago (who
mostly voted Democratic) to move into Central and Southern Illinois, to help
decide key state legislative races.
Illinois’ election integrity issues were not strong then
(just as they fail now, certainly), and faithful Republican Bossman Lincoln
warned state party leaders and local precinct captains to watch out for illegal
voting! The issue which dominates our politics today consumed the party
faithful of all parties over a century and a half ago, too!
Lincoln followed voter rolls, kept tabs on who voted which
way from election to election, too. He worked with statewide maps, working hard
to ensure Republican majorities in the state legislature come Election Day,
1858.
Lincoln’s commitment not just to principle, but to practical
application and pragmatic approach, are underappreciated as well as commendable.
It’s no surprise that this “Dark Horse” candidate in the 1860 GOP Convention at
the Wigwam scored an upset nomination victory, then took the White House in
November For decades, Lincoln played an effective team player, supporting other
presidential aspirants with due diligence during his political journey from
Whig to Republican, from Henry Clay to John C. Fremont, with no shabby interest
in his own well-being or ambition. Throughout his account, Pinsker recognizes
Lincoln’s ambition, yet even the failed legislative candidate, House candidate,
and US Senate candidate conceded that despite his political will, the way to
higher office didn’t seem manifest, until it did, at just the right time.
Pinsker’s review of Lincoln’s wise yet subtle political
calculations, from assembling his cabinet, to assigning military duties and
appointing generals, reveal how the political calculations of a small-time
party-boss from Sangamon County (a county which he would never win as
President) had forged him into the necessary, essential, and irreplaceable
leader who doggedly fought to keep the Union together precisely by focusing on
the moral and political necessity of abolishing slavery.
Pinsker enlivens an otherwise dry, oft-ignored academic
subject. Pinsker reviews and responds to the marginal political notes and
subtle posturing and policy-making of Lincoln in his early days, then weaves
together a compelling account which enhances the myth of the man, while also
showing the humble means of a rail-splitting railroad attorney who had
sustained multiple political losses would build a strong and enduring
Republican Party and become the 16th President of the United States.
If the machine of politics interests you, this book is a
“boss” of a read.
If you enjoyed Spielberg’s film Lincoln, you will definitely
enjoy reading Boss Lincoln.
Even if you care little or know nothing about politics,
Pinsker’s detailed account of Lincoln the Boss will guide you without losing
your way.
