The Democrats want open borders,
since their future election chances depend on massive demographic shifts
through mass third-world immigration. To their consternation, the
#SchumerShutdown fight whimpered out because the public doesn’t want more
immigration. That avenue for increasing their voter base is closing on them.
Democrats are ignoring another
declining base of support to their hurt: organized labor. For decades, labor
unions ensured victory. Minority Leader Chuck Schumer won his Senate Seat
because labor unions held him crushed his Republican opponent in 1998.
Unfortunately, despite two major opportunities for long-term pro-labor
reforms, unions have seen Democrats taking them for granted. Now
union support is disappearing.
Why is the Democratic Party losing
their once-stalwart political allies?
First, rank-and-file members
disdained Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton’s opposition to mining and
manufacturing while pursuing progressive social goals, like flooding the market
with cheap labor while prioritizing the fate of the environment instead of the
economy. Forbes contributor
Matt Patterson, who has chronicled forced unionism across the
country, explained: “Their union leaders gave their dues to Democratic
politicians, who were passing TPP, NAFTA, and other job-killing regulations.
Union leaders have not been doing them any favors.” The union leaders turned
into another out-of-touch elite, and laborers have woken up.
More importantly, though, Democrats
are losing Big Labor unions because labor unions are losing power, personnel,
and influence. Once an essential unit for ensuring workplace fairness and
safety, today they are an ancient oddity out of sync with the innovate sharing
economy. They fought to codify their agenda into federal law, and have
ironically furthered their irrelevance. Right-to-work and collective bargaining
reforms have hastened their decline, often under the national media radar.
Besides Wisconsin Governor Scott Walker’s two-pronged attack on forced unionism
and coerced dues, which attracted legendary and notorious followings, Indiana
and Michigan followed suit. Illinois, Kentucky and West Virginia enacted
reforms soon after.
Democrats should have paid
attention, especially before Election 2016. The Nation details how Democratic voter
turnout declined by an average of 3.5% following right-to-work legislation
enacted in key Rust Belt states. It wasn’t just Hillary Clinton’s epic
unpopularity, but the massive decline in union membership which hampered
Democratic voter turnout and gave Donald the needed edge to win.
Post-Election 2016, other collective
bargaining reforms should have worried national Democrats, but those moves
haven’t gotten their attention, either. Iowa’s GOP-controlled state legislature enacted sweeping
collective bargaining reforms, similar to Wisconsin Governor Scott
Walker’s Act 10 reforms. Iowa is already a right-to-work state, but the
taxpayer burden of public sector unions required more stringent legislative
remedies, which passed in sweeping form. In Maine, retiring governor Paul LePage worked out a new contract
with the largest state employee union. Maine’s public workers
agreed to a 6% pay raise in exchange for a comprehensive right-to-work
provision in their new contract, an unprecedented move which helped the
governor achieve something close to a right-to-work initiative in his
blue-state home.
What about other entrenched blue
states? Can Democrats rely on their labor union allies to keep them in power?
Patterson chided that idea, remarking that Kentucky as a state went right to
work after 12 counties enacted their own local provisions. “State lawmakers who
wouldn’t have voted for it in the past had cover because the program worked in
their districts, so they voted for right-to-work,” Patterson commented.
Sussex County, Delaware flirted with
the reform, but organized labor threats halted the proposal. This setback
didn’t discourage the town of Seaford from going forward
with their own ordinance. Empty manufacturing hubs are humming back to life in
Southern Delaware. Sandoval County, New Mexico just enacted
a right-to-work provision. What about future legal challenges to local
right-to-work ordinances? Those challenges have fallen flat. Patterson shared,
“Unions have learned nothing. They use the same arguments from 40 years ago.”
Now other blue states are entering the RTW column.
Declining labor unions means less
money for Democrats. Their fundraising haul has gone from bad to worse since
Trump’s inauguration. One wonders if DNC Chairman Tom Perez wants to keep his
job! What about the red states without right-to-work? Ohio Governor John Kasich
attempted to enact Walker’s reforms in 2011, but organized labor repealed those
efforts by initiative. This year, Republicans in Columbus have renewed their
push for right-to-work, but the voters may decide the issue in
2020. Pennsylvania will revisit the issue after Election 2018, if state senator
Scott Wagner defeats liberal Governor Tom Wolf.
Democrats have not stopped Big
Labor’s challenges at the federal level, either. President Trump has appointed
a pro-worker, right-to-work majority on the National Labor Relations Board.
Renewed interest in a national right-to-work law has encouraged legislators,
including libertarian-leaning Republican Rand Paul, to submit their own bills.
The Democratic minority has failed to counter this push.
Following a favorable ruling in Janus v. AFSCME,
federal legislation would be moot. In Janus, an Illinois
health worker has challenged the right of the local union (which he has not
joined) to withhold agency fees. If the Supreme Court strikes down such
legalized theft, the ruling would enact de facto right-to-work among public
sector unions (Imagine Walker’s Act 10 reforms imposed nationally). States would
still need right-to-work laws for private sector unions, but Janus would
set the precedent.
Democratic candidates have tried to
discourage right-to-work proposals, but workers are already enjoying the
benefits of reforms, freeing them from coerced membership and dues. Not only
that, but the pro-worker policies have forced unions to serve their members
instead of themselves and their pursuit of raw yet elitist political
power.
In general, labor unions which
cannot compel membership and dues for employment will lose their coerced
revenue stream which has benefitted Democratic politicians for decades,
diminishing their own numbers and political competitiveness. The Democratic
Party’s fight for increased immigration levels rages on, but Big Labor’s days
as the DNC’s cash cow are numbered. Big Labor’s demise could ensure (as Grover
Norquist stated) that “the modern Democratic Party will cease to be a
competitive power in American politics.”
Indeed.
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